Freedom from Fear: Michael Walzer on Our Ideology

From the diaries--Chris

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There is an important new commentary by Michael Walzer in the journal Dissent.  It should be required reading for any liberal interested in proposing a "Contract with America"-type program on the left.  We have encountered the issue of "framing" and electoral problems, but there has thus far been little talk in the blogosphere about deeper intellectual shifts that have occurred on the left in the last 50 years and the impact these shifts have had on the coherence of our message and cause.

Walzer has a unique take on where we have been and where we are going--but his prescription in the final analysis is attractive in its simplicity.  For Walzer, we must organize around a renewed commitment to "freedom from fear" and the logical policy implications such a project entails.  His suggestion recognizes the intellectual shifts we have experienced and attempts to move forward from them while at the same time avoiding the view that these changes are necessarily negative.


Where we have been:

Walzer argues that we have experienced three "crossovers" in American politics in which political and intellectual traits formerly found on the left now find their home almost exclusively on the right and vice-versa.

The first crossover is that "ideological certainty and zeal have migrated to the right." Walzer sees few "people on the left who are absolutely sure about their political position and zealous in its defense.  But they don't set the tone... Most of us on the near-left live in a complex world, which we are not sure we understand, and we move around in that world pragmatically, practicing a politics of trial and error." Even though this might seem puzzling to some liberal bloggers, I think Walzer's take is pretty evident in how we (liberal bloggers) define ourselves as a poltical community.  The vast majority of us are "reform Democrats" meaning that we are partisan but we are pretty decidedly opposed to ideological litmus tests--as it is often pointed out, we support Harry Reid even though he is pro-birth.  Contrast this with the ideological nature of the right wing blogosphere.  One of our uniting traits is our disdain for politicians who are NOT skeptics on various issues.

Which leads to the second crossover: "ideological uncertainty and skepticism about all-out solutions to social problems have migrated to the left." Here he is talking about how we have long since discarded all encompassing policy goals seeking to radically change society--such as eliminating poverty and changing relationships between classes.  He speculates that a lot of this has to do with the fact that Marxism was discredited, which contributed to the rise of a new kind of meta-ideology surrounding free markets and democracy.  This new incarnation of free market ideology is zealous.

Finally, as these two intellectual shifts have occurred, the left has seen a third crossover:  that there are now "definitely general intellectuals on the right" but not on the left.  Walzer continues:


The theory of the free market isn't a world-historical theory exactly; one might say that it is a world-ahistorical theory. But it does have extraordinary reach; it allows its believers to have an opinion about pretty much everything. In this sense, it is an imperial doctrine, like Marxism. And combined with a theory of American-led democratization (and, for many people on the right today, with a conviction of divine support), it is also an imperialist doctrine: it allows believers to have an opinion about pretty much everywhere.

This has encouraged a flowering of intellectuals on the right who have their hands in many different areas.  In contrast, intellectuals on the left are highly specialized.  It is important to draw a connection here to an issue Lakoff addressed in Don't Think of an Elephant.  He argued that our big non-profits are concerned with doing good things for society and that they are issue specific--liberal by virtue of their policy positioning, not by virtue of their connections to a unified liberal reform program.  Lakoff goes on to argue that funding these non-profits while ignoring ideological and party infrastructure is a main area of liberal deficiency vis-à-vis the conservatives.

All of this leads Walzer to an interesting conclusion--that liberals are obsessed with values and principles because we lack ideology that implies a program of reform:


Deprived of a theory, we (on the left) try to get by with principles and values. Despite the claims made in the last presidential campaign, the truth is that it's the left whose politics is value-driven. There is a distinctly moralizing tone in the work of liberal-left intellectuals and activists today. The old, Marxist left didn't need morality because it had history. Its intellectuals and activists had only to affirm the forward movement of the historical engine and join forces with the designated driver, the working class. Questions about just and unjust, right and wrong, goodness and evil, would all be taken care of after the revolution. For the right today, the market takes care of such matters, or God takes care of them; the common good arises out of the competition for private goods-in obedience, amazingly, to God's word. On the left, however, we have to take care of moral matters by ourselves, without the help of history, the invisible hand, or divine revelation. Hence the arguments we make are almost always moral arguments: in defense of human rights; against commodification, for communal values; against corporate corruption and greed, for "equal respect and concern"; against unjust wars, in favor of humanitarian interventions; against environmental degradation, in defense of future generations; and so on. We can't claim that any of these arguments are in the service of economic growth, or modernization, or revolutionary transformation, or religious redemption. They aren't world-historical arguments. Marxists would be contemptuous of people arguing like that, without a theory of social change, without an analysis of social forces.

Walzer then asks "why isn't the moral character and the value-driven politics of the near-left more widely recognized" even while, for the right, "vast areas of social life are left to the radically amoral play of market forces?" He continues:

The answer has to do with the ideological crossover. Liberals and leftists are engaged on many fronts, but we are not coherently engaged. No one on the left has succeeded in telling a story that brings together the different values to which we are committed and connects them to some general picture of what the modern world is like and what our country should be like. The right, by contrast, has a general picture. I don't think that its parts actually fit together in a coherent way, but they appear to do so. And in politics, despite the common view that all politicians pander to their constituencies, saying one thing here and its opposite there, the appearance of coherence is the name of the game.

Scattershot doesn't work, not in arguments and not in campaigns; you need a coordinated barrage. And somehow, right-wing intellectuals and activists have managed to convince themselves and a lot of other people that the free market, individual self-reliance, the crusade for democracy, the war against terrorism, heterosexual marriage, conventional sex and gender roles, religious faith, and patriotic sentimentality all hang together.


The problem with the left is that we are competing against a right wing that has an ideology that hangs together, spawns and supports general intellectuals, reduces the world to basic forces and therefore is able to subsume and defeat competing arguments very quickly and also very passionately--in a TV-ready sort of way.

Where we should go:

Walzer proposes that we organize our ideology around "freedom from fear," which he sees as a way to tackle both domestic economic insecurity and critique terror and religious fundamentalism abroad in a coherent way.  In this sense, he agrees with Peter Beinart of the New Republic who argued that we should return to "fighting liberalism" of the Cold War.  He agrees that the left should not ignore terrorism or Islamic fundamentalism but rather critique it from our own perspective.  But instead of going along with the right wing and favoring a zealous, statist militarism:


The liberal-left today should reject politics-as-war in favor of a political politics that recognizes that militancy means knocking on doors and talking at meetings, that the war on terrorism is mostly police work, and that persuasion and negotiation should always be our preferred strategies... We should be looking for a version of ideological coherence and militancy that doesn't lead us into actual crusading warfare-that enables us to "fight" this "war" one "battle" at a time. "Fighting faith" as a state ideology belongs to the right today, and liberals and leftists have to oppose it, not only because it merits opposition on its own but also because opposing it is the best way to "fight" effectively against zealots and terrorists.

While Beinart harks back to the Cold War, Walzer sees that time period as a failure for liberalism--the "fighting liberal" zeal had a hand in misleading us into Vietnam and it was not particularly committed to social justice either.  No, the left should look to 1930s anti-Fascism as a model.  Anti-fascism, says Walzer, achieved sweeping domestic reform:


Engagement in the cold war did not make for a strong commitment to social justice at home. By contrast, antifascism did make for a left politics at home-compromised by the opportunism and kitschiness of the popular front, but productive nonetheless... Opposing fascism meant supporting people in trouble-all sorts of people: unemployed workers, the elderly, the rural poor, Jewish and (eventually) black Americans. The links were sentimental but they were also programmatic. Can similar connections be made today between the fight against zeal and terror, on the one hand, and some kind of left domestic agenda, on the other?

This brings us to an important issue for the left: egalitarianism and equality.  Walzer argues that the key to coherence for us is a return to this core liberal principle:

Today...the Democrats are a party of justice only relative to the Republicans. Egalitarianism is the distinctive mark of liberal-left politics, but in 2005 the distinctiveness is barely visible. This should worry us because any coherent leftist response to zeal and terror, to world disorder and global poverty, to tyranny and fear, has to have this distinctive mark.

He sees "freedom from fear" as a uniting feature with political potency.  He is careful to remind us that the Bush administration is big on the fear and nonexistent on the "freedom from." In Walzer's words, "The Bush administration exploits our fears, but it is not interested in a collective effort to cope with them-that is, to provide the necessary forms of protection and to stimulate the necessary forms of mutual assistance." That is where we come in.  Instead of exploiting fear like the Republicans, we can coherently fight fear:

Hyping the threat of terror is indeed a way of making Americans forget the other things. But acknowledging the threat can open up a wider politics of collective security. After all, the defense of vulnerable men and women is classic leftism. And if we want to protect the American people against environmental degradation, or nuclear accidents, or pandemic disease, or the vagaries of the market, or long-term unemployment, or destitution in old age, then we need to make the case that we can also protect them against terrorist attack.

Egalitarianism comes into play when we treat "freedom from fear" as a basic right of all citizens in all walks of life.  Walzer observes, "Franklin Roosevelt had already said in 1937, have a right to expect that democracy will provide `continuously greater opportunity and continuously greater security.' We should still be committed to that democratic expectation." He concludes that "we can tell a plausible story about "freedom from fear" that addresses the actual vulnerabilities of ordinary people and advances the cause of democratic equality."

It seems to me that this is a good way to bring together our various factions.  Egalitarianism and freedom from fear are indeed our uniting characteristics and, taken together, they advance both our domestic and foreign policy goals.  Moreover, it is important not to make a deal with the devil, so to speak, and support the brand of zealous militarism of the Bush administration.  It is bad policy and it also obliterates our domestic agenda.  But we should be able to talk about the economy and terrorism in the same breath without seeming incoherent.  Remember, coherency is the name of the game.  Freedom from fear unites us.

Note:  I am impressed to see that Chris Bell, the Congressman who filed the ethics complaints against Tom DeLay last year and likely candidate for Governor of Texas, is using in his stump speech the claim that government should "dispense hope" not fear and anger. It is his refrain. I think that he is on the right track and Walzer would probably agree. [Full disclosure: I am interested in working for Chris Bell's campaign.]

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17 Comments

Actually, Lakoff Dealt With This 9 Years Ago
Not in Don't Think of An Elephant, but in Moral Politics, published way back in 1996.  For example:
Scattershot doesn't work, not in arguments and not in campaigns; you need a coordinated barrage. And somehow, right-wing intellectuals and activists have managed to convince themselves and a lot of other people that the free market, individual self-reliance, the crusade for democracy, the war against terrorism, heterosexual marriage, conventional sex and gender roles, religious faith, and patriotic sentimentality all hang together.

Lakoff shows that actually do hand together, not in terms of logical coherence mapping each realm onto the other--which is how we normally think of things hanging together, but in terms of something else--the cognitive metaphor of the Strict Father family model.  The coherence they have derives from the source domain of metaphor, different aspects of which are mapped onto different policy realms. This is how you can get liberatarian free-marketeers and righwing Christian social conservatives working together the vast majority of time.

The Strict Father model sees the world as inherently evil, and filled with danger. Given this paranoid vision, it stress moral strength to fight against evil as a primary virtue. Competetition (as in the free market) is good because it breeds strength, while traditional morality with its gender roles and absolute parental authority is the very essence of the model.

Likewise, Walzer's proposal:

But acknowledging the threat can open up a wider politics of collective security. After all, the defense of vulnerable men and women is classic leftism. And if we want to protect the American people against environmental degradation, or nuclear accidents, or pandemic disease, or the vagaries of the market, or long-term unemployment, or destitution in old age, then we need to make the case that we can also protect them against terrorist attack.
is classic Nurturant Parent material.

This model is aware of dangers, but not obsessed or terrified with them. Thus it is able to (1) recognize and respond to a much wider range of dangers (such as environmental threats from pollution to global warming), (2) deal with them systemically, so that responding to one danger doesn't make other dangers worse, and (3) deal with them pro-actively.  

Moreover, dialogue is at the heart of the Nurturant Parent model. Nurturant Parents generally explain the reasons for their decisions, seeing this as an important part of the moral development of their children, as well as something that children are owed.  This commitment to dialogue, on which democracy is founded, is directly opposite of the "Father knows best" attitude that explains itself thus: "Because I said so, that's why!" which is directly supportive of authoritarian political structures.

by Paul Rosenberg 2005-04-26 08:11AM | 0 recs
Re: Actually, Lakoff Dealt With This 9 Years Ago
So how's your new framing diary coming along? Any chance we'll see something by this weekend? How about a recommend for Garemko's diary?

My inner strict father wants to see some more discussion of this issue.

by Gary Boatwright 2005-04-26 08:44AM | 0 recs
Definite recommend
I recently read Walzer's book, Arguing About War. He's got a new book I am definitely going to order, Politics and Passion that it sounds like this commentary may be based on.

I've just had a chance to skim the diary, and haven't read the actual commentary yet, but this is an important link in the chain for taking back America.

by Gary Boatwright 2005-04-26 08:39AM | 0 recs
Enlighten Me...
"The theory of the free market isn't a world-historical theory exactly; one might say that it is a world-ahistorical theory".  While I am not an extreme "free all the markets" believer, in a historical context most of the anti-free market arguments I've heard always claim a 'free market' caused something when they completely ignore factors that are not 'free market'.  A classic example is the Great Depression which is often hailed as the clearest example of market failure when people overlook the Fed Reserve serious deflation or that we had some of the most restrictive trade barriers of our entire history.  The problem of framing a historical argument at all against free markets is that there are very few examples of markets that were truly free, they were almost always manipulated by those in power. However, I am more than happy to hear some historical examples that you feel show the 'ahistorical' nature of free market philosophy.
by Freedom Fighter 2005-04-26 11:04AM | 0 recs
Re: Enlighten Me...
I think what Walzer is talking about here is in reference to ideology.  For modern right wing  ideology, the free market functions as a catch-all solution to social ills and international problems.  I don't think he is making the claim that the free market is to be opposed, just that the idea or the ideal of the free market functions as an ideological catch-all.  If you catch what he is saying in context, that is how I read it.  Analogy: "free market":"today's conservatives" as "history":"marxists."
by Garemko 2005-04-26 11:14AM | 0 recs
No such thing.
That's sort of the point. There's really no such thing as a free market, unless you count chance encounters in the wilderness. Markets have rules; that's why they're markets. If a market doesn't have any rules, somebody comes up with some, or else the market turns into a brawl in short order. Every culture that has grown up has had some sort of regulation, an arbiter of what's fair and what's not. It may be by government or by custom (mob rule), but there are defined rules, with penalties attached.

Free-marketeers are just advocating anarchy by another name. Now, I'm a fan of anarchy, but I know that most real proponents of deregulation aren't. What they're really interested in is having the referee pay less attention to them and more attention to somebody else. That's not a free market.

by catastrophile 2005-04-26 11:45AM | 0 recs
Re: Enlighten Me...
You must be familiar with the distinction between free market libertarians and civil liberties libertarians. Extremist free market libertarians are pushing the idea of any regulation of property as a constitutional taking.

One example of free market libertarians would be Tech Central Station. They don't seem to be near as concerned about civil liberties as they are about property rights. It is not much of an exagerration to say that they believe that corporations and private property have greater Constitutional protection than people do.

A perfect example in the political section of their website right now is Choice and Its Enemies. Not a single article that I could find about civil liberties for people outside of an economic context.

For a complete analysis allow me to suggest a book by Thomas Frank, One Market Under God.

by Gary Boatwright 2005-04-26 11:58AM | 0 recs
Re: Enlighten Me...
Catastrophile has already hit the nail on the head on the main point. But there's something else here I can't let slide:
While I am not an extreme "free all the markets" believer, in a historical context most of the anti-free market arguments I've heard always claim a 'free market' caused something when they completely ignore factors that are not 'free market'.  A classic example is the Great Depression which is often hailed as the clearest example of market failure when people overlook the Fed Reserve serious deflation or that we had some of the most restrictive trade barriers of our entire history.

This is a classic example of what Alexander Pope warned against in "An Essay on Criticism":

    "A little learning is a dangerous thing;
    drink deep, or taste not the Pierian spring:
    there shallow draughts intoxicate the brain,
    and drinking largely sobers us again."

The arguments presented here are simply not taken seriously by real scholars of economic history. They are propaganda, much like the "global warming skeptics" scam, or the "Intelligent Design" fraud. The Great Depression started in rural America sometime around 1926. Trade was possibly the freest it had ever been to that time, including massive overseas investments.  (Lots of Americans lost their life-savings in foreign bonds.) Trade barriers went up only after the market crash--well after it, in fact, by which time the level of international trade had already plummeted.

Recovery from the Great Depression came about by massive government spending, not in the US (where FDR was far too timid, and an ideological believer in balanced budgets) but in Sweden, where the socialists' massive spending revived their economy while the rest of the world remained in deep distress. Germany followed, albeit via a massive arms buildup.  "Keynesian economics" only arrived in the US after Roosevelt learned the hard way--from a sharp recession in his second term following sharp cuts in social spending in an attempt to balance the budget.  But it was only with the arms buildup for WWII that we got to the level of government spending needed to end the Great Depression for us.

The reason for all this, as Keynes explained, was that market equilibriums could be acheived that left millions unemployed.  The free market ideology assumes that there is a single equilibrium, producing the best of all possible worlds. But Keynes showed that this was not so, and that massive government spending could shift an economy from one equilibrium state--where millions were needlessly unemployed--to another--where the vast majority of them were gainfully employed.

Leading edge economic theory has moved on from equlilibrium to non-equlibrium modelling, but still, Keynes' basic insight remains sound: the free market ideology is based on a wildly oversimplified model that simply fails to recognize the opportunity to create better conditions for the entire economy.

Although it did not end the Great Depression, another aspect of FDR's policy surely improved matters greatly, prevent it from getting much worse, and laid the foundations for future recovery and broad prosperity. This was the restructuring and regulating of various financial markets. (1) Banks were closed and reopened only with Federal insurance. (2) The SEC was established to regulate Wall Street. (3) The home mortgage market was radically restructed with the introduction of long-term mortgages, matched with low downpayments which allowed a vast expansion of the number of people who could qualify to buy a home.  All these actions were "anti-free market"--they imposed regulations and restrictions, actively shaping the way that markets would work for decades to come.

by Paul Rosenberg 2005-04-26 05:52PM | 0 recs
We lack unifying principles because
the ones we had -- compassion, pluralism, social justice and international cooperation -- have been repudiated by the avaricious elite and labeled (gasp!) socialist or worse. Equality is also a big part of it, but every facet of the liberal worldview has come under attack. The Reeps want a callous, divided, and xenophobic population, the better to pursue their frack-off-and-die agenda.

The question has always been whether to make a stand over those principles, or to surrender them and find safer ground. I seem to vaguely recall the occasional fifty-post flame war between proponents of these two strategies.

Walzer here seems to be in favor of standing firm, under a banner of anti-corporatist liberalism. I say, great. Unfortunately, I don't see how his strategy can be implemented without the kind of major media support which Dems still sorely lack. Without a significant and continuous educational effort, trying to win over the American people on this platform seems futile.

"Freedom from fear?" Isn't that the juice Gee-Dub is selling? We're fighting the terrorists over there so we don't have to fight them here, after all. You can't just accuse the Reeps of hyping the threat of terrorism because they're really not -- they're feeding off the fear of terrorism, which was sufficiently hyped on 9/11/01 and has been in the back of everybody's mind ever since.

by catastrophile 2005-04-26 11:28AM | 0 recs
Re: We lack unifying principles because
People should have more civil liberties than corporations.
by Gary Boatwright 2005-04-26 12:00PM | 0 recs
Well, yeah . . .
People should always have more rights than money.

But why tell me?

by catastrophile 2005-04-26 12:16PM | 0 recs
This is a very, very important piece
by Waltzer. He frankly nails me as a person, and with it, what consists of much of the modern left hand side of the political ledger.

I also think his piece does much - indirectly - to explain the neoconservative mind/phenomenon. When former leftists become disillusioned with Marxism as a correct philosophy of history, they sometimes are inclined to need a subsitute - in this case, a crusading, imperial vision of America. Christopher Hitchens is a classic example of this kind of person. The kind of person that needs absolute and totalizing explanations for the operation of history, in secular terms. Its no accident that Hitch is a militant atheist as well.

by Ben P 2005-04-26 12:34PM | 0 recs
Re: This is a very, very important piece
VEry astute observation.  Walzer mentions in there that he does not believe the left has even begun to come to grips with the enormity of the failure of communism, and along the same lines, he seems to suggest that the end of the Cold War plays a part in the crumbling of our traditional ideological stances.  This makes sense to me, though I am not sure either to what extent it is true.

I DO think that one thing that definitely happened is that conservatives used to opportunity when the wall fell to argue that ALL state regulation had a relation to discredited Communism.  I definitely see a connection between the fall of the Wall and Republican overreaching in the last 15 years.

by Garemko 2005-04-26 12:43PM | 0 recs
Re: This is a very, very important piece
In an intellectual sense, this is very true.

As an interesting aside, think about a person like Andrew Sullivan (and folks like him), who I think over time are going to drift further and further towards the left side of the political spectrum (see his recent front cover article in TNR) as the political spectrum becomes defined more and more in terms of those who favor an expansive definition of civil liberties and human rights (left), againsst those in favor of a more authoritarian society that places emphasis on the maintanance of order and tradition. (right)

Economic issues are still going to matter, but they are going to be more secondary. The sooner the left abandons the idea that the questions raised by Marx are still the essential questions to be answered in modern politics (at least modern politics within "developed" nations), the better.

If you want to understand why the Labour Party is ascendent in Britain (and to a lesser extent, the LDs as a result), it is because the Labour Party has recognized - at least implicitly - this fundamental shift (in some ways were forced to recognize in the 1980s), while the Democrats haven't. Instead, we're still asking "what's the matter with Kansas?"

by Ben P 2005-04-26 01:10PM | 0 recs
Well
Of course we should look to hope rather than fear and anger.  Ask anyone on the street which they would rather hear from politicians, and they would say hope.

But how's it working out in the political arena these days?  Who got their way in the last election - Barack Obama or Zell Miller?

Unless we have the ability to silence the Republican Party, we have no ability to promise anyone freedom from fear.  As long as it wins elections, they will keep on using the politics of fear.

by Steve M 2005-04-26 01:08PM | 0 recs
Re: Well
Do you think we effectively pointed that out, though?  Did we make the connections and draw the lines?  I think Kerry touched on all of these things, but he didn't very clearly assemble these ideas into a governing philosophy.  I think the Democrats divided the question and approached it is "let's nuetralize Bush by putting up a military hero so that we can focus on economic issues instead."  If you look at what "electability" meant back in the primaries, you would probably find that that is the case.  I take Walzer to mean that we should talk quite a bit about our views on national defense, but that our views are implied from the set of positions we share anyway.  We just have to connect the dots.

I do think Obama may have done well if he was, hypothetically, the nominee.

by Garemko 2005-04-26 01:22PM | 0 recs
Re: Well
Your last sentence makes a good point.  "Hope" is a value that is not just expressed by using the right words; you need the right candidate.  People voted for Reagan because they saw him as an optimist.  John Kerry, love him or not, could use the exact same words as Reagan and people still wouldn't be grabbed by the message of hope.
by Steve M 2005-04-26 01:35PM | 0 recs

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