TNR Needs to Stop Insulting the Democratic Base's Intelligence: Supplemental
by descrates, Wed Dec 08, 2004 at 02:34:30 PM EST
The best critique I've yet read was done by TNR editor John B. Judis. I'm printing here to hopefully further encourage this discussion. The other links are provided above.
Descrates
There are two points that I strongly agree with in Peter Beinart's recent cover story on the Democratic Party. First, I agree that Kerry's difficulties stemmed to a great extent from his failure to articulate a clear and consistent foreign policy, particularly on the Iraq war. Kerry's equivocation reflected on his character and his ability to extricate the United States from its worst foreign policy disaster since Vietnam. Second, I agree with what is implicit in Peter's essay: that the Democrats lacked an animating moral purpose, particularly in comparison with Bush and the Republicans. Peter would endow the party with one by adopting a new crusade against terror in imitation of the older crusade against communism; my own feelings on where the Democrats' can find a moral purpose are more in line with historian Eli Zaretsky's take on the subject. But I think on these two points, Peter is generally right and has performed an important service.
As for our areas of disagreement: First, I don't favor his political prescriptions. Initiating factional warfare with, or even purging, everyone to the left of Joe Lieberman will not create a viable Democratic Party. Okay, that may be an exaggeration of what Peter prescribes, but there are clear echoes in his essay of Ben Wattenberg's Coalition for a Democratic Majority, which tried to do something similar after the 1972 Democratic defeat by creating a party centered around Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson. The voters didn't buy it, and they won't buy Peter's party either.
Peter also misunderstands MoveOn.org and the various other Internet-based groups that have sprung up in the last five years. They are not an old-fashioned militant left but part of a college-educated post-industrial center-left politics that was developing under Bill Clinton in the 1990s. One of their big issues was the deficit, hardly a left-wing concern. They became identified with "the left" because they were early and prescient opponents of the Iraq war--a position that can no longer simply be identified with the left and that is not a reason to criticize them. Sure, they shouldn't have participated in marches with the Workers World Party, but these new movements are organized by people who don't have long political pedigrees. If anything, they are the best hope for a new moral vision that will animate the Democrats.
It's difficult in a short space to lay out where I disagree with Peter's foreign policy, which is implicit in the piece and not fully explained. For starters, though, I don't accept the comparison between the Cold War and the "war on terror." The Bush administration has used an extraordinary disaster, the September 11 attacks, to justify a politics of fear and a neo-imperial foreign policy. Al Qaeda was the outgrowth--decadent and deranged, to be sure--of the centuries-old conflict between the West and Islam, and particularly of its post-1880s phase, in which the Arab and Islamic countries of the region were dominated, formally and informally, by the British and French and later the Americans. The version of nationalism that arose in response to this domination often took religious--that is, Islamic--form. With Al Qaeda, it has taken an almost entirely religious, messianic form.
That older imperial conflict has still not faded in the Middle East, as it has in, say, much of Asia--and it won't fade as long as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not equitably resolved and as long as the United States, now the main Western power in the region, is closely identified with autocratic regimes in the Gulf and in Egypt. The Bush administration's war of choice against Iraq and its uncritical support for Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon have only reinforced and deepened the problem.
The United States needed to respond to the September 11 attacks, as it also needed to respond to attacks going back to 1993. But the Bush administration's undifferentiated concept of a war on terror (which Peter himself has criticized) elevated one part of the response to the whole. The United States cannot allow a terrorist organization like Al Qaeda, with apocalyptic aims, to kill its citizens; nor could it allow a regime like the Taliban to harbor terrorists. But the United States also has to recognize the roots of Al Qaeda in the cauldron of the Middle East--not in its poverty or destitution, but in its troubled relations to the West, for which the West itself bears some responsibility. Invading and occupying Iraq was exactly the wrong thing to do. Now the United States needs to find a way to multilateralize and minimize our presence in Iraq, normalize our relations with Iran, and put our full weight behind the resumption of the peace process, regardless of who wins the Palestinian election. The rhetoric of the war on terror--and the comparison with the Cold War--blinds us to these imperatives.
Should we be engaged, as Peter suggests, in a "global campaign for freedom"? America should always stand for freedom--although not the Republicans' Wal-Mart variety--but what we ought to do about it depends on historical circumstances. No one is suggesting, I hope, that the United States invade or break relations with China because it is still a communist oligarchy. And the Middle East is, if anything, an even more problematic region for advocates of global democracy. Genuine democracy, and not simply a transient, jerry-rigged electoral process erected atop sectarian chaos, will eventually come to that region, but it will be through the initiative of the people themselves, not through the imposition of a hostile power.
John B. Judis is a senior editor at TNR and a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
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