House Republicans Near Record Number of Retirements

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I have been following the numbers on Republican retirements fairly closely in recent months (check out the "retirements" tag). But some information conveyed in the 15th and 16th paragraphs of an otherwise not particularly insightful New York Times piece was somewhat surprising and rather interesting to me.

Four of the 28 Republicans who are so far leaving the House quit before their terms ended. They will be replaced in special elections before November, giving the winners of those races at least the technical mantle of incumbency in the general election.

That leaves 24 open Republican seats, though leaders of both parties expect at least a few more Republican retirements as state filing deadlines arrive. The high point for end-of-session Republican retirements is 27 in 1952, according to Congressional records.

The thrust of the piece is that all of these retirements "[threaten] to cripple" Republican efforts to retake the House. Talk about an understatement. This burgeoning number of open seats "threatens to cripple" efforts by the party to not lose more than a dozen seats this fall -- and it simply destroys efforts to end up with a net gain of seats, let alone coming anywhere close to retaking the House.

But for as much as the lede and the thrust of the article misses the real story -- that the Republicans' chances of retaking the House are less than zero (as they might have said back in the '80s) -- the factoid about the Republicans' current number of retirements quickly approaching the more than 55 year old record set in 1952 nevertheless stands out. True, the Republicans actually picked up seats in the 1952 House elections -- but they had to ride the coattails of Dwight Eisenhower's 55 percent of the popular vote and enjoy the drag of Harry Truman's sub-40 percent approval rating on the Democrats in order to eke out a tiny 221-seat majority. Suffice it to say that it's not particularly likely that the Republican presidential nominee is going to get northward of 55 percent in the general election, as did Eisenhower, or that the head of the Democratic Party will have an approval rating in the 30s come November.

Nevertheless, I will make one prediction (one in which I don't think I'm going too far out on the ledge for): House Republicans will set their all-time record for retirements this cycle as more and more of them seek to flee from the sinking ship that is their party and their caucus in the House of Representatives.

Tags: House 2008, House Republicans, Retirements (all tags)

Comments

7 Comments

Re: House Republicans Near Record Number of Retire

Do you see a geographical trend emerging? Is there any basis to think that the South will grow more Republican, while the rest of the country more Democratic?

It's possible to not only add to the Democratic majority in the House, but to have for the first time in a long time, a progressive majority. But geography will to a large extent determine the ideological balance of the House Democratic Caucus.

by wolff109 2008-01-31 07:16AM | 0 recs
By Regions
     That's already strongly in play. In the 11 Confederate states, plus Kentucky, Missouri and Oklahoma, Democrats currently have 61 House seats, Republicans 90. In the 13 Western states, there are 57 Democrats and 41 Republicans. In 12 Midwestern states, 45 Democrats and 46 Republicans. And in 12 northeastern states (including West Virginia) 70 Democrats and 25 Republicans.
     So Democrats hold 74% of the seats in the Northeast, 40% in the South and border; 49% in the Midwest, and 58% in the West. There aren't very many more good targets in the West, but there are still dozens of seats in the Great Lakes and Middle Atlantic regions that can go Democratic, and only about 15 or so Southern and border seats that are likely to move Republican.
by Ron Thompson 2008-01-31 08:35AM | 0 recs
Re: House Republicans

What can one say about this development?

Bye?

by shergald 2008-01-31 08:22AM | 0 recs
updating resumes

Point of interest, does anyone know what these particular congressmen will do for a living next year?

by JoeFelice 2008-01-31 08:26AM | 0 recs
This is why coat-tails matter

While I have moved from Edwards to Clinton, I remain worried about their relative impact on down ticket races, particularly whether or not Clinton energizes otherwise dispirited segments of GOPer coalition.

When I have raised this issue in the past, and when I have read similar comments from others, the retort from Clinton supporters has been that coat tails no longer matter.

That is often true.  The most recent analysis I could locate indicates the coat tail effect, as these folks assert, is small except in open races, where the effect is statistically significant in presidential races since 1976.  This wave of retirements raises exactly this scenario.  The record number of GOPer retirements creates an opportunity to cement a governing majority, an opportunity that comes along only so often, and in which the top of the ticket indeed matters a great deal further down.

A 2005 study authored by a political scientist at U. Buffalo and a professor at Yale Law School found that:

"the report about the demise of the coattail effect has been greatly exaggerated. Presidential coattails continue to exert a significant influence on the distribution of the House vote and, especially in open seats, even on the outcome of House elections."

Franco Mattei & Joshua Glasgow "Presidential coattails, incumbency advantage, and open seats: A district-level analysis of the 1976-2000 U.S. House elections", Electoral Studies 24(4), December 2005: 619-641.

Following are some of the more pertinent passages from their study, introduced by my takeaway comments:

OUTCOMES IN OPEN RACES ARE MORE STRONGLY CORRELATED WITH PRESIDENTIAL VOTING THAN WITH INCUMBENTS

"The simple, bi-variate correlation between the Republican percentage of the two-party House vote in presidential election years and the Republican percentage of the two-party House vote in the immediately preceding election (midterm or special) yields coefficients of 0.91 in incumbent-held districts, but of only 0.64 in open districts. In contrast, correlations between the Republican percentage of the two-party, district-level presidential vote and the Republican percentage of the two-party House vote in presidential election years are 0.66 in incumbent-held districts and 0.79 in open districts. Thus, the distribution of the House vote in open races is more closely aligned with the concurrent presidential vote whereas the distribution of the House vote received by incumbents is more tightly related with the vote they garnered two years earlier or in their most recent election."

COAT-TAIL EFFECTS REMAIN A "POWERFUL INFLUENCE"

This study has attempted to portray a comprehensive picture of the influence of presidential coattails in recent U.S. House elections. Attention has been devoted to the district-level relationship between presidential and House vote, to both the strength and the effectiveness of coattails, and to how they are affected by the nature of congressional races -- whether or not there is an incumbent defending his (her) seat. The analysis has identified the number and types of districts swung by the coattail and examined (if briefly) the outcome of the election in such set of districts at the following midterm. Several conclusions are warranted by this investigation.

Presidential coattails continue to provide a powerful source of influence in elections to the House of Representatives; the strength of coattails has not undergone any substantive change in the years this study examines. While the coattail effect remains important, the incumbency advantage is also quite conspicuous, and mutes the impact of the presidential election outcomes on the vote in House contests. Absent the insulating buffer generated by the incumbency advantage (however measured), open seat races provide the setting in which both the strength and the effectiveness of coattails reach their highest levels. According to the year-by-year estimates presented in the previous section, the influence of the presidential vote on the House vote in open districts is typically at least twice as high as in incumbent-held districts. Overall, the outcome of 6.5% of all contested elections was determined by presidential coattails; as shown in Table 6, the proportion of coattail swing districts was nearly ten times more frequent in races for open seats than in challenges to incumbents. >

Some winning candidates or popular presidents have the ability to swing nearly 10% of contested seats in the House, as Reagan did in 1980 and 1984. In the current conditions of virtual parity between the two major parties, a change of that magnitude would have deep implications for the control of the House. Indeed, in 2000, despite the almost perfect tie in the presidential election, George W. Bush's coattails netted four seats (seven minus three attributed to Gore's coattail) to the Republican party, about one third of the majority retained by the party in the House. Popular presidential candidates may be able to further increase their influence, especially by focusing their campaign activities on open-seat districts which, as this study has demonstrated, are far more amenable to coattail influence than incumbent-held seats. If and to the extent that presidents are perceived to have an impact on the results of House races, their leverage on Congress and in particular the members elected by the coattail-swing districts would be enhanced.

Just something to think about.

by Trond Jacobsen 2008-01-31 09:12AM | 0 recs
Re: This is why coat-tails matter

Clinton would really hurt us downballot.  The main reason is that the Clinton's don't care about downballot races.  

by Toddwell 2008-01-31 11:05AM | 0 recs
open seats

That's why most of these seats will stay Republican.  I see the House not changing much--Dems lose some, Republicans losing some.

Overall, we shouldn't be gloating at all these open seats.

by mikelow1885 2008-01-31 02:04PM | 0 recs

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