The Architect's nuts and bolts

I've been reading through The Architect, and about halfway now, just getting into the Dowd part (which I find much more compelling for why Republicans win lately) then their genius (which is lacking) at the political-issue environments that Rove & Bush create, and come across Walter Shapiro's latest, Bush's brain found lacking:

For those who insist on finding the pivotal moment when Rove reshaped Bush into the president we all know and about 35 percent of the voters love, it probably dates back to January 2001, days before the Bush inaugural. As two more new books (significantly, neither of them is "The Architect") convincingly argue, the eureka moment came as Bush pollster Matt Dowd sat hunched over a computer screen in Austin, Texas, matching his survey data with the 2000 election returns.

According to "Applebee's America: How Successful Political, Business, and Religious Leaders Connect With the New American Community," a collaboration among Democratic strategist Doug Sosnik, former AP reporter Ron Fournier and Dowd himself, the Bush pollster discovered that the traditional swing voter was fast becoming an endangered species as only 7 percent of the electorate in 2004 had voted independently of party loyalties. The book describes the epiphany: "Dowd banged out an e-mail to the longtime Bush strategist Karl Rove, asking for a meeting in Washington: It's time for a different strategy." The next scene takes place in Rove's new office on the second floor of the White House as Dowd handed him the data: "Rove instantly recognized the significance of the numbers. 'Really,' he said, grabbing the sheet from Dowd's hands, his voice rising with excitement. 'Man, this is a fundamental change.'"

What is going on here beyond the weird notion that contemporary political drama is built around the electric excitement of two Republican statistics geeks (Rove and Dowd) analyzing the latest polling data?

In "Building Red America: The New Conservative Coalition and the Drive for Permanent Power," veteran political reporter Tom Edsall explains the significance of this apparent shift in the tectonic plates. If Dowd's data was right and there no longer is a large floating block of unaligned moderate voters, then the way that the Republicans can consistently win elections is by mobilizing their conservative base. Edsall recalls that "while running for president in 1999-2000, Bush had explicitly reached out to the center-left, a strategy so antithetical to that of his 2004 campaign."

In all likelihood, Bush had always intended to shed his 2000 campaign camouflage and govern, in sharp contrast to his father, as an unswerving conservative. But Rove, whose origins in the direct-mail fundraising business had always given his politics a hard-sell ideological edge, certainly provided Bush with a strategic rationale to follow his red-state heart. What Rove's analysis predicted was that Bush would fare much better politically as a divider than a uniter.

Shapiro also shows how Bush failed at doing what he'd done in Texas (outlined in Crashing the Gate, pp. 28-29), where he succeeded in cutting off the Texas Dems big business money by getting Republicans elected to the Texas judiciary and shifting the business contributions to the Republicans. Nationally though:

Rove's gambits end up doing little more than mobilizing the Democrats in opposition. Moore and Slater lavish considerable attention on Rove's fantasy of wiping out the fundraising basis of the Democratic Party by crippling unions and trial lawyers and wooing wealthy Jewish donors with the administration's pro-Israel tilt in the Middle East. There is even a hint of anti-Semitism when the authors trot out the odious dual-loyalty charge: "A president who'd famously bragged that he didn't read newspapers or deeply study policy had surrounded himself with advisors whose interest in Israel's sovereignty and safety might have outweighed their concern for the United States."

Rove, in his efforts to defund the Democrats, apparently forgot about the law of unintended consequences. Bush's conspicuous efforts to pander to his social conservative supporters prompted a fundraising backlash from partisan Democrats. As Edsall writes in discussing the financing of the 2004 campaign, "[John] Kerry not only came within striking distance of Bush, but he also tapped into the small donor universe to a degree that had never been even approximated on the Democratic side of the aisle." This year, although Internet-based small giving is apparently down, the Democrats are in surprisingly strong shape for a party that reaps none of the obvious rewards from controlling Congress or the White House.

Sure, Rove does get "credited with the masterly use of gay marriage as a wedge issue in the 2004 race", still:Despite his grandiose dreams of a self-perpetuating Republican majority, Rove's strength is not as a strategic visionary, but as a disciplined, nuts-and-bolts tactician. If the GOP narrowly holds onto to its congressional majorities in November, the party will owe a large debt to Rove's and Mehlman's juggernaut of a get-out-the-vote operation known as the 72-Hour Program.

No one writes odes, creates newsmagazine covers or sells political biographies based on micro-targeting and the techniques of Election Day phone banks.

 

Tags: Karl Rove, Matthew Dowd, Walter Shapiro (all tags)

Comments

15 Comments

Re: The Architect's nuts and bolts

Great post.  I think it's correct.  There's no center out there anymore that the stupid Dems like Kerry are/were always trying to obtain.  They stupidly cite the huge number of registered independents in the various states to make their point.  Too may people, including most of the media, incorrectly makes a leap that a registered independent is a political "moderate."  You see this when the media talks about Connecticut and how Lieberman is a fit for the majority of Connecticut voters who are registered independent.  

The dirty little secret is that perhaps a majority so-called registered independents are not registered as a Democrat because they feel that the Democratic Party is too MODERATE and has acquiesed on their core beliefs for too long.  

When will most elected Democratic politicians realize that many people who stay home on election day and who are registered independents are demoralized because they don't see a fight in the Democrats for what they believe in and what they will do to actually make a change in the country?

by jgarcia 2006-09-24 05:39PM | 0 recs
To say there is no center

To say there is no center is the same thing as saying there is no America.

The left, many times, can be just silly. Secular humanism often has nothing to do with the left's paid positions brought by the lobbies, sigs, and various meandering forces that push the party around on its axis.

The right, as we all know, is just out of touch.

Neither is worth being partisan for.
Indepedents are far and many , and often forced
during election cycles to choose the lesser of two evils.

What is conspicuously missing here is the fact that both parties have consistently taken pro-lobbyist, anti-third party positions time and again, effectively quashing the small donor base.

In fact, the donor base existed in 2004 only because there was a fiscally disciplined radical running as, effectively, his own third party. That man was howard dean.

A threat to the republicans, to be sure, so they funded an unprecedented propaganda campaign.

Change comes from the grassroots. Dems can do better.

by heyAnita 2006-09-24 05:58PM | 0 recs
Re: The Architect's nuts and bolts

Yeah right, that's why the one continuous trend in politics in the last 4 decades has been the rise of people registering Independent, from less than 1 percent in 1960 to over 20 today, both parties declining but the greater percentage coming from a decline in Democrats.

The Reps despite having had the presidency for 28 out of the last forty years, have never been able to break much above fifty in the Congress, on the other side the Dems were only able to barely break fifty% in one presidential race of the last ten.

The political class is stuck in a dichotomy of Rep/Dem that forces independents into a definition they no longer want, creating a volatility under the idiocy of contemporary politics that is unprecedented, something new is bound to rise, trying to keep turning out a mythical Democratic base is a loser.

by brutus1 2006-09-24 07:36PM | 0 recs
Re: The Architect's nuts and bolts

This is curious since no one has yet really focused on getting out the base instead of winning center. So I'm not sure how the phrase "trying to keep" makes any sense.

But I'd also like to know what you propose instead.

I guess triangulation might be a good idea.

Oh wait, it isn't 1994.

by js noble 2006-09-24 09:22PM | 0 recs
Re: The Architect's nuts and bolts

Well, I realize that and have posted it, but being independent and having less of a middle does seem to coexist. so that saying this:

"The political class is stuck in a dichotomy of Rep/Dem that forces independents into a definition they no longer want, creating a volatility..."

is just wrong. There is less volatility as the number of Independents increases-- go figure.

by Jerome Armstrong 2006-09-25 01:23AM | 0 recs
Re: The Architect's nuts and bolts

You're looking at a period of three elections to claim that a party structure which is weaker in membership than at any point in history and saying it has a grip on the electorate than at any time. That makes no sense.

If the Democrats were considered a real alternative party, they would sweep this election "big time." But half the country won't vote for them and the other half won't vote for Reps. It's not because people have loyalty to the parties, it's becuase they can't stomach the otherside.

My point is the volatility you see in poll numbers  has yet to express itself electorally, but it's there in spades. In 91 none of the political class saw Perot coming and it's the same today. Both parties can't reach out to those they've alienated - half the electorate. They talk in code to their "bases", which are both at historic lows.

To keep talking about winning by turning out bases that don't exist is ridiculous. People vote almost overwhelming reactionary today, that's the only information they get from all of our consultant geniuses. Frankly, turning on the TV and seeing election ads, I'm surprised anyone votes.

You keep playing this game and think you're being real smart trying to figure out how to a get a dysfunctional system to cough up a few votes in your favor. Instead we need to figure out how to change and reform a broken and corrupt system. If you don't do that you'r just fooling yourselves.

by brutus1 2006-09-25 06:10AM | 0 recs
Chronologically Incoherent

This makes no sense chronologically:

As two more new books (significantly, neither of them is "The Architect") convincingly argue, the eureka moment came as Bush pollster Matt Dowd sat hunched over a computer screen in Austin, Texas, matching his survey data with the 2000 election returns.

According to "Applebee's America: How Successful Political, Business, and Religious Leaders Connect With the New American Community," a collaboration among Democratic strategist Doug Sosnik, former AP reporter Ron Fournier and Dowd himself, the Bush pollster discovered that the traditional swing voter was fast becoming an endangered species as only 7 percent of the electorate in 2004 had voted independently of party loyalties.

So, in 2000, he discoved that "only 7 percent of the electorate in 2004 had voted independently of party loyalties."  What did he use?  A crystal ball or crystal meth?

But there's a deeper problem here.  This says nothing about registered independents.  I realize that it's presented in a way that thinks it does.  But that's why I pointed out the chronological incoherence first.

In fact, CNN's 2004 election results show independents comprising 26% of the vote, splitting 48% Bush (up 1% from 2000), 49% Kerry, 1% Nader.  Dems split 89% Kerry, 11%. Reps split 93% Bush (up 2% from 2000), 6% Kerry.  There's no way in hell to square these numbers with what the reviewer wrote.

Looks like we'll either have to read the book for ourselves, or find a more reliable reviewer.  Because this account just doesn't make sense on the face of it.

But here's a parting thought: in general, no book is going to give a complete picture.  The reason is simple: they need to have a strong clear thesis for purposes of product differentiation.  But real social science is always multi-causal, often with a blend of factors from multiple time frames, levels of abstraction, etc.

One key factor all these books leave out is they cycle of imperial over-reach and reactionary politics, followed by an egalitarian re-alignment that Kevin Phillips discussed in Wealth and Democracy. By itself, it's no kind of answer, either.  But it's drawn from looking at much larger scale patterns than any of these books contemplate.  And that scale of patterns has its say, too, even if it's damn near impossible to see what it means ahead of time.

by Paul Rosenberg 2006-09-24 07:42PM | 0 recs
Incoherent, Incoherent

It doesn't make sense to me either.

Rove's 50%+1 strategy has been built around assembling a coalition of srongly partisan followers by using strong emotional, conservative issues. This has been successful because the Republicans have been able to combine two or three constituent groups without turning off one from another.

The anecdote claims they were excited about polling that allowed them to ignore the swing voters. This says to me that they suddenly realized that they had a winning formula for consolidating of their 50%+1 coalition, allowing them to ignore the swing voters.

The wonder is that they have been able to keep the coalition together for so long. On the one hand, the more fanatic the accolyte, the less they question the guru, but at some point the kool aid wears off and pieces of the coalition start to break off.

by MetaData 2006-09-24 08:14PM | 0 recs
The Problem Is Reality

Just ask Adolph.

But in the short run, it works because of the Weimer-Republic-style opposition.  That's what makes it all possible.  Which is why they hate Howard Dean, Michael Moore, Ned Lamont and us.

by Paul Rosenberg 2006-09-24 09:22PM | 0 recs
Re: The Problem Is Reality

I agree with most of what is being said in this thread, particularly Paul's comments re imperial overreach/egalitarian backlash and also the Weimar reference to opposition. But I believe we're also missing two highly salient points:

Point 1: Voter behavior is based on a more holistic yet individual internal view than party registration/identification, including of the Independent sort. These internal behavioral trigger points are personal values, mostly, and perceptions of what key situations/issues mean to individual voters. An example is fundamentalist voters. Their voting behaviors are based on their values as religious fundamentalists and they perceive this regime as more in line with them than Dems. They perceive issues like abortion as more important because that issue reflects their values; it means more to them. Therefore it is an issue that motivates their voting behavior more than other voters.

(As many know, the MyDD Poll earlier this year laid out the data precisely in this kind of holistic framework so we could see how various psychographic clusters of voters responded to various issues/situations. So we could understand behavior better.)

Point 2: In my view, the underlying strategic point of any successful political strategy, Rove's or others', is to understand running 'to' the voter is a recipe for failure while running 'on' values/ideology/what we stand for is a precursor for success. When Dems seek to 'run to the middle', they do so for political, cynical electoral reasons. Not because of what they believe in, their values. Voters see this and, thus, define the move negatively. Thus, the 'say anything' Democrats.

Republicans, a la Rove, run on their values, what they stand for ("security", "patriotism") and that is a big part of their success, IMHO, because voters see that particularly compared to the Dem strategy of pandering.

What these two points mean in the context of this discussion, IMHO, is this: Dowd's data, likely privately generated as Jerome notes, may be right on the mark. When viewed through a holistic psychological lens and compared to Dems' cynical communications approach, 7% 'swing' is probably accurate. Thus, run to the base would make complete sense, especially when opposition is so Weimar-like.

Independents, and other 'swing' voters, are not value-less. They see neither party as representing their values effectively nor compeletely. They prefer to 'hold their powder' and make voting behavior decisions on their own, often toward the end of a campaign.

Further, when thinking about it in a linear fashion, they are 'shades of' a red/blue continuum. Some are 'bluer than blue', some are 'redder than red'. Some are light blue, some are pink. Some are white. In this view, as a 'group' they are a prism, in short. That some 'pure white swing' would amount to about 7% also is sensible, again IMHO.

Finally, as long as our campaigns continue to think, obtain advice and center our communications along this outdated (and never correct, actually) Beltway line of 'run to the swing/middle voters' strategy, I believe we will not win. As long as we do not innovate and do not change our thinking, strategy, tactics and execution to reflect reality, we're in deep shit and likely destined for failure, even when the political environment is so conducive to victory. As it is right now.

The key for Dems is to stand. On who we are and what we believe in. And hold these Republicans to account for the past six years. In no uncertain terms. Then that 50+1% becomes ours. Actually, it'd be significantly higher. That's the glue, and motivation, of the original New Deal coalition, IMHO.

Just my three or four cents on 7 seven percent.

by Sun Tzu 2006-09-25 09:30AM | 0 recs
Agree With Your Logic, But...

I still don't buy the 7% solution.  Here's why: I think it's at best an artefact of their approach.  Your last point is crucial.  If the Dems got their shit together, they'd be back to New Deal coalition land, wiping the floor with the GOP, not squeaking out narrow victories.  OTOH, the GOP at best can never hope to get a solid 50%+1 base.

The Dems shouldn't worry about trying to win that 7%, or about turning out their base.  They should concentrate on changing the whole shape and dynamics of the game.

See what I just wrote in another comment about narratives.  I think it's completely compatible with what you're saying.

by Paul Rosenberg 2006-09-25 10:47AM | 0 recs
Re: Incoherent, Incoherent

I think the thesis is that the 26% registered Independent aren't really.  All but 7% of them are "Lean D" or "Lean R" even if it is because they loathe one side a little less than the other.  So the point is that "registered Independents" doesn't mean either "moderate" or "swing voter."  It means pretty consistently favoring one side over the other (or disliking one side less than the other) while not being party-identified.  Only 7% are really swing voters.  

Adding the R's share of the 26% plus their 11% of Dems to their 93% share of their base, and getting more of their base to vote, gets them to 50% + 1.  We just have to (1) turn out more of our base, (2) turn out more D-leaning Indies, and (3) demoralize more of the R base, all without losing too many of the 7% real swing voters.  The crucial idea is that because the 7% is smaller than the D share of the 39% that identify Dem and the Indies that vote Dem, there is more to gain by appealling to the Dem base.

The fallacy (or problem) here is that what motivates the "Dems aren't strong enough" Indies isn't what keeps more of the Dems from voting R.  Disaffected D-voting Indies will not vote or vote Green or other independent rather than vote R.  But a fairly large part of the Dem base did vote R in 2004, becausse 11% of 39% is 4% of the electorate, more than our share of the "swing indies."

by Mimikatz 2006-09-25 09:13AM | 0 recs
It's Still Incoherent

We all know what the base turnout strategy is.  But the rationale and the numbers don't add up.  Depending on 11% of Dem votes is not depending on your base.  Nor is ignoring the 6% of Reps who voted for Kerry.

What's going on here is that simplifying slogans are being tossed around in the same context as purported sophisticated analysis.  It's a complete mis-match.  The chronological screw-up I pointed to first is merely an indicator sign of the sloppy thinking that permeates this presentation.

I've got a much simpler explanation: The GOP understands that politics is primarily about crafting narratives, and that's how they win elections. Democrats are narratively incoherent, and that's why they lose elections.

Here's the slightly more complicated version:

The GOP understands that politics is primarily about crafting narratives. So they work really hard at it.  They have narratives to win elections, and narratives to explain how they win elections. The "base turnout" narrative is an example of the later.  But it's deceptive at best.

In reality, the GOP's top priority is working on demonizing narratives that work in tandem with identity-creation narratives.  This enables them to claim the utmost morality for conservatives, and outright treason for Dems, even if the Rep is a draft-dodger and the Dem is a war hero.  This, in turn, enables them to capture the votes of people who disagree with them on the vast majority of issues.  It is the routine articulation of these narratives that allows the "base turnout" strategy to work, and the "base turnout" narrative to seem plausible.

But this ignores the crucial roles of getting Democratic defections, suppressing hard-core Democratic voters, controlling the press narrative, and demonizing Democratic candidates, all of which are necessary components in order for the base-turnout strategy to work.  (There are other components, as well, such as micro-targetting, buying off black church leaders, etc.)

The Democrats cannot win simply by trying to beat the GOP at this game, since we don't have the other components in place, which are crucial for its success.  But we can start by doing our own independent analysis, rather than depending on the GOP to explain how they win.

by Paul Rosenberg 2006-09-25 10:35AM | 0 recs
Re: Chronologically Incoherent

Well, I've not read Edsall's book yet. There's some here in these two othe books about the Dowd thesis, but nothing that spells it completely out. The way he discovered 7% is likely not from CNN polling, but private polling.

by Jerome Armstrong 2006-09-25 01:27AM | 0 recs
There is a Center

But the mistake most people make is in thinking that the Center has an ideology akin to the Left or the Right. Some political strategists (I call them losers) think that all they have to do is figure out what that ideology is, appeal to it, while not overtly pissing off the base, and the electoral votes will come pouring in.

But, as I said, the Center has no ideology. That is their defining characteristic. They are The Center because they just don't pay that much attention to politics and don't really care all that much about that the things that activate The Left or The Right.

So what does activate The Center? It changes with every season. It changes with whatever is the favorite TV show that year. It changes with whichver major league sports team is on top that year. It changes with the weather. Or with who has attacked us most recently.

You get The Center vote for you not by appealing to their non-existant ideology but by making The Center think that what they believe and what you believe are the same thing.

That's how you win The Center.

by Chris Andersen 2006-09-24 08:47PM | 0 recs

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