1994 Comparisons

Well I'm in a good mood, having just downed a nice big cup of coffee and eaten a barbecue chicken dinner with mac and cheese and green beans.  And then Atrios gave me a robot pony, and Fox News ratings are still crashing.  At this point there's so much sleaze and spin coming from the right-wing and pushed through he press that it's impossible to track a tenth of it, let alone blog about it.  What's relevant now is turnout.  Who's going to vote?  And who has decided that it's just not worth it?

I just talked to Joel Wright, the pollster behind the MyDD/Courage Campaign Accountability memo, who lives in Arizona, to ask him about the DSCC early voting memo.  Here's what it says.

According to our October 29 to 31 survey of 745 likely Arizona voters, fully 30% of the Arizona electorate has already voted.  We expect that perhaps up to two-fifths of the voters in this election will vote early or by absentee ballot.

In our October 8 to 31 tracking polls (since early voting started) we have interviewed a total of 594 early voters.  Among these early voters, Jim Pederson is leading Jon Kyl by 4 points:  44% for Pederson compared to 40% for Kyl, with 4% for other candidates and 12% refused.

This 4% Pederson lead is all the more remarkable since registered Republicans and Democrats are equally likely to have voted early, and in fact there are more Republicans than Democrats in this early-voting sample of 594 respondents.

Furthermore, our latest tracking poll shows that Jim Pederson's margin among early voters is growing as we get closer to the election and as this bloc of early voters expands to virtually one-third of the electorate.  

This early Pederson lead is possibly a harbinger not only of Democratic enthusiasm and enhanced organization in Arizona, but also of the Democratic wave that seems to be sweeping across the nation.  

It also suggests that the Arizona Senate race is closer than it seems to be and could go right down to the wire if undecideds traditionally break heavily for the lesser-known challenger against the incumbent - especially in an election that is trending strongly against the party in power.

This is data I want to believe.  Joel wants to believe it too, but like all partisan polls released this way, it doesn't have as much credibility and it's only one data point (the NRSC released their own memo, which shows the opposite trend).  Traditionally Republicans are the early voters in Arizona, and Democrats show up to the polls.  If the results from this memo are correct, then that's a very big deal.  There is of course no way to know whether the are until November 7th.

In Montana there's a similar trend under way. Early voters are Democrats.  In Tennessee, there's record early voting as well, though it's not clear if those are Corker or Ford voters.  Florida, Arkansas, Colorado, Georgia, and New Mexico are also seeing very high turnout.

I believe that this election is going to be a total wipeout for the Republicans, and it should shatter Karl Rove's reputation.  Just as the 2000, 2002, and 2004 election campaigns saw him vindicated, if 2006 turns out the way it's looking, his realignment thesis is dead in the water.  Why am I optimistic?  Well historically, midterms are just not good for the party in the White House.  Democratic intensity is very high, and Republican voters are at a normal level of intensity.  Listening to Rush Limbaugh today, I was struck by his constant pleading for conservatives to vote, but even the GOP hate machine is in a lull.  

The dynamics here seem eerily similar to 1994.  

Intellectual Trends

In 1994, the movement conservatives came into partial control of Congress for the first time, sweeping a Southern reactionary majority into power that pushed the full suite of Barry Goldwaterish policies.  This movement was taking over from the dying embers of a New Deal big government coalition built on corrupt urban machines, and had fresh ideas and energy.

In 2006, progressives are coming into partial control of Congress for the first time, sweeping a coastal and western majority into power that will push new environmental and economic policies.  This movement is taking over from the dying embers of Clintonian-Reaganite policies built on a corrupt media machine.  This movement has fresh ideas and energy.

Foreign Policy/Economy

Clinton's failure in Somalia was a symbol of an uncertain American place in the world.  The deficit and the economy were hugely important, but the USSR's fall had left an intellectual hole that the country hadn't filled.  The right-wing was able to argue that America's bipartisan Cold War consensus of engagement with the rest of the world was wrong-headed.

Today, Iraq is a much larger symbol, and the fiscal and economic crises are obviously here as well.  The left-wing has successfully argued that America's bipartisan post-Cold War consensus of random hawkishness and corporate trade is really stupid and immoral.

Conventional Wisdom

At the beginning of the year, the Republicans were confident they would retain their power, and gradually the CW has shifted away from that.  

I don't have Lexis Nexis, but I remember at one point going back to the pre-1994 predictions and reading through a year of Charlie Cook's quotes.  He basically kept increasing his margin of Republican pickups until he predicted a loss of 30 something seats for the Democrats, about where he's at right now.  The eventual loss for the Democrats was 54 seats.  

Scandal as Symbol

A House banking style scandal which is seemingly unrelated to governance but in fact epitomizes the Republican moral perversion broke in the form of Mark Foley.  The leader of the Democratic party was widely perceived as corrupt, with Tom Foley falling out of power.

Death of a National Party

The Senate is in play, with Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and Montana looking like they'll flip to the Democrats, a collection of non-Southern states with progressive economic traditions.  In 1994, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Maine went to the Republicans, a collection of non-Southern states with conservative social traditions.  

In 1994, the Democrats became a coastal urban party, with the Republicans winning the Midwest, South, and holding on to moderate Republican seats in the Northeast.  In 2006, the Democrats will make a few forays in the South, but will mostly consolidate the rest of the country and push the fully Southern Republican Party out of the governing coalition.

Cultural Trends

Culturally, 'Falling Down', a movie with Michael Douglas as an angry white male laid-off defense contractor set the zeitgeist, and smashed Toyotas presaged the xenophobia that led to the Perotistas coming into the Republican camp.  Today, movies like 'V for Vendetta' and 'Borat' are cruelly mocking the reactionary turn of American politics, and youth culture has turned from apolitical ('Reality Bites') to decidedly progressive.

Communications Environment

In 1994, the press had begun to change into its modern cable TV pundit driven form, with Maureen Dowd as the new symbol of meaningless snark as analysis.  C-Span was the new communications platform that Newt Gingrich used to pressure this media, along with an increasingly powerful talk radio circuit that had just turned into a real force just two years earlier in 1992.

In 2006, the punditocracy has begun to break down and something else, though it's not clear what, is taking its place.  Youtube has become incredibly political and a mechanism for Democrats to communicate with the public at large.  Talk radio turned into a real force in 1994 after making its debut in 1992, much like the blogs in 2006 are building on 2004.

Conclusion

Ok, so anyway, yeah, this election is a big deal.  But is it a big deal because Democrats are winning?  No, I don't think so.  It's a big deal because the country is changing as Americans think about what has gone over the past six years and reject that course.  Glenn Greenwald nailed it in this post.

More important still, Americans didn't change their views because the media suddenly became adversarial or effective in its watchdog function (it didn't), nor because Democrats found a will or a way to provide meaningful opposition (they haven't), nor because the Bush administration's propaganda is now less ruthless or deceitful (it isn't). They changed their minds largely on their own, by simply looking at what is going on around them and using their critical faculties to compare what they see to the claims made by the Bush movement, and they have noticed the gaping disparities. And they are angry about it. Very angry.

For those who long ago and with complete certainty recognized the corruption and dangers of the Bush movement, frustration can easily set in because this change has been slow and incremental. For those who believe that this President and his administration are so plainly corrupt and evil to the core, the fact that this has been such a long, hard slog can lead to despair and has the tendency to affirm the view that the system is hopelessly stacked against real change. But this progress is real and substantial and meaningful.

Our system of government was designed based on the expectation -- really, the inevitability -- that there would be excesses and abuses of power in the future. For that reason, the founders sought, first and foremost, to provide as many safeguards as possible in the form of self-corrective mechanisms which are intrinsic to the system (and they maximized the likelihood that such mechanisms will prevent abuse by ensuring that radical changes will be very slow and difficult to achieve). And the (imperfect though still consistent) history of American public opinion is that it backlashes against extremism and abuses of power. That is clearly what is occurring now.

1994 was a cultural shift and a political shift all at once.  The Democratic Party was decimated that election in a way that changed our ability to govern and react, but this was undergirded by a public revulsion at the liberal governing model.  Now the public shift in the opposite direction has happened.  The reactionaries, not to mention huge swaths of the press, have forfeited their credibility, and that's not going to come back for some time, if ever.

America is a big place, and while we're political junkies, we're in many ways just instruments for the conversations that take place over kitchen counters all over the country.  Those conversations are different these days.  It's hard to know exactly how, but you can look at the internet where similar conversations are happening and get a sense that the world is in a very different place than it is shown to be in the PR-ified world of ABC News.  Those kitchen table conversations rule the country.  

So who's going to vote?  I don't know.  No one does.  But I'm very optimistic.

Tags: DSCC, Jim Pederson, Jon Kyl (all tags)

Comments

22 Comments

Re: 1994 Comparisons

I'm pretty sure the reason Fox's ratings are crashing is because Tony Snow left.

by DareninGA 2006-11-02 12:10PM | 0 recs
Re: 1994 Comparisons

I think Fox News's ratings are crashing because people don't like tuning into bad news over and over.  Therefore, in the past 2 years which has been a non-stop bad news fest for Republicans and Conservatives, those people tuned out.  Since the people tuning out were conservatives that had a disproportionate affect on conservative media (Read: Faux News).  Of course, if I had any real hard data to back this up, I'd do a diary on it...

by maddogg 2006-11-02 12:27PM | 0 recs
Re: 1994 Comparisons

hahahaah....nice

by scientician 2006-11-02 03:09PM | 0 recs
A generation of rpogressives and Democrats
This is a really intereting piece. It got me thinking again how long term trends are starting to clearly indicate that an entire generation of voters, those Generation Yers born from 1977-1994, are on the brink of becoming the most Democratic identifying and progressive identifying in a long, long time. The opposite happened witht he Baby Boomers. I think you are also seeing a sharp repudiation of the consrvative movement within the so-called Creative Class, largely for reasons connecting to identity (although distrust of large, corproate institutions is part of that identity). IF you combine a new progressive generation, a new progressive class, with a more diverse Ameirca, you could be talking about hte making of a huge cultura and political shift. It will be a different sort of leftism than in the past, but it will still be left. Perhpas more than anything else, it will be based on pluralism, creativity, and a general distrust of nearly all large institutions.

I'm rambling. But this is interesting stuff. I can't wait to have two months to write about it once the elections are over.
by Chris Bowers 2006-11-02 12:20PM | 0 recs
Re: A generation of rpogressives and Democrats

As an old leftist, I got to say that Bowers and Stoller warm my still wishful heart. Maybe we are seeing a practical resurgence of political values our current rulers AND their corporate enablers among Democrats thought they had burried forever.

by janinsanfran 2006-11-02 01:42PM | 0 recs
Re: A generation of rpogressives and Democrats

Chris, when you do write those post-election pieces, take a look at Strauss & Howe's "Generations".  For some time I have seen your generation's reaction to the culture wars and other excesses of the Boomers as akin to the Gilded Generation's reaction to the generation whose intransigent idealisms caused the Civil War.  They describe an election (1868?) when there was a tremendous generational shift in power, and the average age in Congress dropped by something like 20 years. There was a real turning away from "grand visions" and a desire for competence and pragmatism.  From another  aging lefty, but from the pre-Boomer (Silent) Generation, more power to you and all the young people who are becoming energized enough to fight Bush's tyranny of incompetence.  Your think pieces just get better and better.

by Mimikatz 2006-11-02 02:03PM | 0 recs
Re: 1994 Comparisons

Matt...BBQ chicken is good...but how in the world are you getting along without your meat on a stick?  :-)

Call me & I'll FedEx you some on Nov. 8th.

by willy mugobeer 2006-11-02 12:31PM | 0 recs
FOX New ratings

"So who's going to vote?  I don't know."

Me, either.  But a couple of weeks ago I speculated that the decline in FOX News ratings might actually be predictive of depressed turnout.  More here:

http://thepremise.com/archives/11/02/200 6/553

The basic idea is this: how credible is it that a loyal partisan audience would vote with its television sets in the negative but still show up at the polls and vote in the positive?

I don't buy it.  The drop in FOX News ratings isn't just a drop in viewer satisfaction, it's a drop in right-wing support.  It IS voting.

by MarkB 2006-11-02 01:06PM | 0 recs
Re: 1994 Comparisons

You may be thrilled by the early voting in other states, but here in California we are having serious problems.  About 46% of voting was expected to be absentee.  The SoS sent out millions of ballots, but have only received about half of what they expected back by now.

"If it turns out that people are taking longer to vote or that they're not going to vote, neither of those things would surprise me," said Mark Baldassare, research director at the Public Policy Institute of California and head of its signature statewide survey. "We have been seeing all this season that the voters aren't particularly enthusiastic about voting."

Republicans are pretty depressed by the national mood, but Democrats are dispirited by the Angelides campaign.  It is putting a number of statewide races at risk.

GOTV is going strong for CA-11 and CA-04 (I dont know too much about CA-50), but this national wave is threatening to pass CA by.  Polling today shows that even Prop 87 (renewable energy) is going down despite a whole host of celebs out stumping for it.

Right now, the gold standard of polling in CA believes Republicans will out poll their registration numbers by 6 points.

by juls 2006-11-02 01:07PM | 0 recs
Re: 1994 Comparisons

California is in serious trouble and so far progressives have not even risen to the task of defining the problems. A series of right wing populist measures have broken state government. As a consequence, most Californians can only be dragged to pay attention to government by a theatrical freak. Hence Arnold.

The important thing to watch in CA is how many of the other statewide offices the Dems hold on to. That will be mostly party line voting. The legislature was rendered uncompetitive by a 2002 gerrymander. No changes there.

Until somebody has plausible solutions to the real problems to offer, California will muddle along, loosely blue, but unhappy.

by janinsanfran 2006-11-02 01:47PM | 0 recs
Woah There!

In 1994, the movement conservatives came into partial control of Congress for the first time, sweeping a Southern reactionary majority into power that pushed the full suite of Barry Goldwaterish policies.  This movement was taking over from the dying embers of a New Deal big government coalition built on corrupt urban machines, and had fresh ideas and energy.
I know you're trying to paint with a broad brush, and I have no problem with that in principle.  Some parts of what you've written are pretty sound--such as the "national party" segment (though I think the Dems were less marginalized in reality than the GOP is about to be).  But you got this particular part of the big picture strikingly wrong in serveral fundamental ways:

(1) As Chris noted some time ago, 1994 brought in a more broadly-based GOP coalition.  While it had Southern leadership, it was not exclusively so (anyone remember Susan Molinari?), and was even more diverse in the ranks.   It became increasingly southern over time, as the Dems won back seats in other parts of the country.

(2) Goldwater was not happy with these guys.  He was a genuine libertarian, who had no use for the smarmy social conservatives, and no great desire to be used by large corporations.  The conservative movement that mobiblized in support of him in 1964 did contain a lot of folks--like Phyllis Schlafly--who were much more in line with Gingrich than Goldwater, but you can't equate Goldwater with Gingrich on account of them.

(3) The Democratic House of 1992 was in no sense "the dying embers of a New Deal big government coalition built on corrupt urban machines."  Sure, there were plenty of machine politicians around during the New Deal, and descendents of them still around in 1992.  But urban Democratic machines go back a century before that, and never constituted a national majority, much less set the policy agenda for the New Deal.  It was the influx of left/labor types that made the New Deal possible, and the machines went along, demanding their cuts, to be sure, but not setting the national tone--not even when a machine man, Harry Truman, took over after FDR died.

Indeed, the rise of black power in the 1960s, and the good-government (as well as anti-war) types in the Watergate class of '74 further diluted the power of urban machines in the national party.  The main impetus of those machines was as a drag on the party's dynamism, it was not to determine policy, but to stifle it.  However, their role in doing this was a decidedly junior one, compared to the Dixiecrats and the growing influence of corporate money (thank you Tony Coehlo).

More fundamentally, if you look at GSS (general social survey) trends on a wide range of public policy questions, there simply was no seismic change in opinions.  There were changes in elite political discourse, but these had started long before 1994, and generally did not have a great deal of popular resonance.  Which is why so much lying was necessary from Reagan's first term onward.

This connects directly to your mistaken conclusion:

The Democratic Party was decimated that election in a way that changed our ability to govern and react, but this was undergirded by a public revulsion at the liberal governing model.
This was certainly what Versailles CW said, but it doesn't match what the people said--in polls such as one by the LA Times where they favored Clinton's policies over Gingrich's by substantial margins--nor does it match how the GOP won.  People weren't revulsed at the liberal governing model--they were disappointed that it didn't succeed in delivering universal health care.  And that didn't happen because the GOP realized they had to stop it, or they would be crushed for a generation to come.

In short, people had lost faith in the Democrats ability to deliver, not in what they were trying to deliver.  It's the Versailles CW that spun the former into the later.  It was never the truth.

by Paul Rosenberg 2006-11-02 01:15PM | 0 recs
Re: Woah There!

Paul is right.  The 1994 election and its aftermath were as he describes them.  The Dems were decimated only by their own risk aversion.  

by Mimikatz 2006-11-02 02:09PM | 0 recs
Re: Woah There!

I watched Falling Down and saw Ross Perot.  There was a real right-wing populist movement.  Clinton could have and should have parried it, but it did exist.

by Matt Stoller 2006-11-02 02:14PM | 0 recs
Re: Woah There!

Ross Perot would still have a constituency today.  Maybe moreso.

by Steve M 2006-11-02 03:43PM | 0 recs
Re: Woah There!

Paul - I agree with most of your analysis.  Your read on the House in 1992 was absolutely right - the old machine, labor New Deal pols were for the most part long gone.

One disagreement - I am not sure that the Dems were undone by their own risk aversion although there was that as much as not understanding that policy details can be used to kill you and not being prepared to deal with it.  The Rs in the first two years of the Clinton admin killed many proposals by picking them to death.  

The best example - the 1994 Crime Bill.  General polling showed the public supporting it and supporting youth diversion programs.  However, when you pick out "midnight basketball", people say WTF are we spending $$ on this when these kids should be in bed.  I know all the arguments for it but there was this gut WTF reaction out there.

There are lots of others.  The Dems were very slow on the uptake on this stuff not realizing it was having a big impact.  We have to be prepared and can't let that happen again.

by John Mills 2006-11-03 09:26AM | 0 recs
Re: 1994 Comparisons

The funny thing about the House bank scandal is that John Doolittle and Charles Taylor were among those who strongly condemned it.

by Tom 2006-11-02 01:15PM | 0 recs
Re: FOX News

Thank GOD their ratings are taking a dive. Im sick of thier bias coverage.  They are in LOVE with the Kerry story. Neil Cavuto had the balls to bring out some family members of the military to bash Kerry.  They twist thier stories and Alan Colmes is the biggest wuss in the world.

by nzubechukwu 2006-11-02 01:33PM | 0 recs
Air America

I think Air America is an important part of the communications environment for 2006.  It has made progressive information and arguments available to the broad general public in an accessible format.  Don't underestimate the value of this.

by davej 2006-11-02 02:02PM | 0 recs
Re: 1994 Comparisons

I want to belive that this is the dawning of the age of everything wonderful, I really do.

But the dem leadership as it exists today still leaves alot to be desired.  Pelosi, Hoyer and Murtha??????

We'll just have to wait and see.

by aiko 2006-11-02 02:25PM | 0 recs
Re: 1994 Comparisons

The next wave may not be good for us, it's just that the old one is ending.

by Matt Stoller 2006-11-02 07:27PM | 0 recs
Re: 1994 Comparisons

I'm voting.  I haven't voted for years.  Didn't seem like much point.  Then 2000 happened.  Sheesh.  Then '02 and '04.  I told myself, maybe I should vote and stuff.  I got a computer and found the blogs...even got one myself.

I registered, got all three of my kids registered, to any party they wanted, as long as it was Democrats.  I got about 20 of my neighbors registered.  You see, I work with a bunch of rightards, so I had to cancel their votes.  Hee hee.

Thank you President Bush for showing me the importance of doing my civic duty.

by Oilfieldguy 2006-11-02 07:01PM | 0 recs
Re: 1994 Comparisons

This is a great piece and I think spot on.  In many ways 1994 was a culmination of what started in 1980 with Reagan and took a while to fully complete.

I actually think what we are experiencing now is similar to 1978 and 1980 when the conservative movement came to power and set the political discussion for the better part of 2+ decades.  Not to date myself as I was pretty young in the 1970s but this decade reminds me of it in so many ways.  A quagmire war, middle class uncertainty due to a weak economy, a perceived US weakness in the world, a general unhappiness about the direction of the country.  The reasons are different but the general mood is eerily similar.

People are tired of the conservatives and the direction of the country under them.  They are ready for a change in direction.  The next couple of elections cycles are going to be important because they are going to create a new governing direction.

by John Mills 2006-11-03 09:13AM | 0 recs

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