The Hacks and The Wonks

The day after Howard Dean had sown up the DNC chair, in a now-famous formulation Jerome wrote the following:Throughout the recent history of the Democratic Party, there have been two factions going after each other's throats, pushing and pulling for control of the party. It's usually described as an ideological battle, pitting the more liberal against the more moderate of the party. There is also a third part of the Democratic Party, arriving much more recently, and with whom I associate my partisan leanings.

It is a movement distinctly non-ideological, for whom the battle is not within the party, but against the Republican Party and stopping their agenda. A united opposition takes partisanship as its calling. That's what a minority party's does; they do not govern, they do not dictate by majority maneuver the terrain on which to battle. Minorities oppose the majority, and out of that opposition, eventually, an alternative arises.

This is the most succinct, and still perhaps the best, call to arms of the Reform Democrats. In one fell swoop, it outlines a path to return to power for Democrats that will be led not by the policy wonks, long dominant within the Party, but instead by the unsung and unappreciated hacks. It argues that the main reason we have fallen into minority shadow is not because of our ideas and policies, but instead because of our organizational deficits. These deficits include, but are not limited to, all of the following: These are the primarily non-ideological deficits facing the Democratic Party (or, at least intra-party non-ideological). The primary mission of the Reform Democrat is to remedy these deficits as a means of opposing Republicans, rather than to engage within intra-party ideological disputes. The requires alerting the entire party that not all of our best ideas relate to policy, and as such not all of our best minds are the ones who focus upon policy, as has been so often assumed.

It is with this mission that I cast my lot, and my future in the Democratic Party. While I have wide ranging opinions on policy and ideology, I am best suited in dealing with these broad organizational issues. It is with these ideas that I will spend my energies, rather than upon developing policy and wrangling with ideological concerns. It is, after all, primarily for the reasons I outlined above that I believe we are in the minority. I do not think that the main reason we have arrived at our current state is because we believe the wrong things.

However, even as hacks such as myself begin to rise in prominence within progressive circles, I wish to offer a note of caution about our potential to raise our non-ideological concerns above all others we currently face. It comes from the final line I quoted from Jerome above:

Minorities oppose the majority, and out of that opposition, eventually, an alternative arises. Just because the important missions of hacks and Reform Democrats are finally starting to receive at least some of the attention they require from the establishment in order to reverse our vast organizational deficits, the ultimate goal must always remain within view: an alternative, governing policy. It will be impossible to achieve this goal as long we assume we can maintain an entirely practical stance toward ideology, as though the days of technocratic liberalism's dominance were to return. Not only is that not going happen, many of our current organizational deficits arise from our past over-emphasis upon technocratic liberalism. Someone who is inherently practical in the way they govern tends not to be very partisan, especially if s/he is a member of the natural governing party of the country. Someone who is inherently practical in the way they govern favors a national consensus with non-partisan academic institutions, a single national political language and a single mainstream media rather than alternative intellectual and media empires. Someone who is inherently practical sheds herself or himself entirely of the restricting vestiges of all but the closest campaigns, for those are the campaigns that can be swung.

In other words, I think it can be safely argued that it was the long-term dominance of practical, technocratic liberalism that led to paralysis on the part of the party establishment while the conservative movement slowly built itself up from the ground. Practical politics simply cannot respond in kind to movement politics. It thus strikes me that one of the main reasons a practical, governing consensus was eventually defeated by a rising political movement was because it refused to be any but a practical, governing consensus (and, in all too many cases, still refuses to accept it is anything but that now). It should also not be difficult to understand the organization structure envisioned by the hacks and the Reform Democrats would function as the mechanism for a movement, rather than as another practical, governing consensus. Properly used, it is a vessel into which the alternative policy vision will flow and be nurtured. Improperly used, it will become an awkward, unrealized and unwieldy supplement to a purely practical politics for which partisanship has little meaning. A mechanism such as the one I seek to build neither tolerates nor compliments disinterested inquiry easily, as it neither tolerates nor compliments internal division easily.

We are going to need an alternative agenda that has not only a practical appeal, but an ideological one. We are going to have to start implementing this agenda at the local and statewide level, because right now we simply can't implement one in Washington. It is for this reason that even if you are like me and are most interested in helping to reverse the organizational deficits I outlined above, I invite you to look at Nathan Newman's new organization, Agenda for Justice, and David Sirota's new organization, the Progressive Legislation Action Network. In particular, the Agenda for Justice already boasts a wide compliment of policy ideas for local groups and activists that I believe are worth a read. We can begin to incubate and mold these ideas at a local level, and the new structures we are building can eventually take them nationwide. Give both new organizations a look see.

I am a proud hack, and I don't think Democrats are wrong, but we need to find new ways to turn our ideas into new policy so that we have our alternative to Republicans sooner rather than later.

Update: To those in the comments who lament the fall of common sense, technocratic liberalism and practical politics, you are not alone. However, what to do in the face of moevement politics then? As burritoboy notes, this is the central question of modern democracy. I am not convinced that just giving it the finger or contiuing to demand the return of technocratic liberalism is the answer. I think to a very real degree, that is why we are losing.

Tags: Democrats (all tags)

Comments

18 Comments

hmmm
Someone who is inherently practical in the way they govern favors a national consensus with non-partisan academic institutions, a single national political language and a single mainstream media rather than alternative intellectual and media empires.

If what you're suggesting is that Democrats benefit by exacerbating the ideological divide in media, academia, government, etc. and by rejecting the notion of bipartisanship and American commonalities, count me right out. It wasn't just a slogan Bill Clinton formulated when he said Republicans need to divide the country; we don't.

Now certainly building up alternative institutions is vital in the short term because the Democratic establishment has sat on their hands for so long that what started out as "alternative" right-wing institutions have become or fatally infected the mainstream. But a long term solution is to reject totally the school of thought that seeks to divide us along particular fault lines as completely un-American. The Liberal project--extending progress to more and more people and at greater and greater levels of attainment--fails otherwise. Meanwhile, the right-wing project--keeping attainment in the hands of an elect few--thrives. Those on the receiving ends of its benefits might call themselves liberals or progressives, but they'll be anything but.

by KevStar 2005-08-25 09:30AM | 0 recs
This is also an apt analysis
of the "reality-based community" line, related by Ron Suskind . . .
In the summer of 2002, after I had written an article in Esquire that the White House didn't like about Bush's former communications director, Karen Hughes, I had a meeting with a senior adviser to Bush. He expressed the White House's displeasure, and then he told me something that at the time I didn't fully comprehend - but which I now believe gets to the very heart of the Bush presidency.

The aide said that guys like me were "in what we call the reality-based community," which he defined as people who "believe that solutions emerge from your judicious study of discernible reality." I nodded and murmured something about enlightenment principles and empiricism. He cut me off. "That's not the way the world really works anymore," he continued. "We're an empire now, and when we act, we create our own reality. And while you're studying that reality - judiciously, as you will - we'll act again, creating other new realities, which you can study too, and that's how things will sort out. We're history's actors . . . and you, all of you, will be left to just study what we do."

Essentially, while the mainstream was out there interacting with the real world and developing policy around it, these corporatists were using faith and PR and narrative to weave an elaborate fantasy -- an ideology -- a filter that would overlay the real world and alter the perceptions of their audience.

It's put them in the driver's seat by default, as the Dems have been left to play catch-up and try to work within the fantasy world the Reeps have invented and communicate with the reality-based community at the same time.

Of course, I still think the answer is to give the Reep fantasy the big finger and call bull$#!+, bull$#!+.

by catastrophile 2005-08-25 10:13AM | 0 recs
reform democrats
totally agree. in addition to Lakoff's institute, Dems need an ongoing measurement tool for their rhetorical/communications efforts grassroots issue by grassroots issue. Why don't we as progressives evaluate ourselves with more scrutiny as the process unfolds, as opposed to doing so AFTER losing an election. Reform is the name of the game. Right on, Chris.
by nixgroup 2005-08-25 10:17AM | 0 recs
need for a common forum that is trusted
Interesting post, but I think you have mixed a number of important topics that are best examined separately.

Leadership means providing an avenue for common sense.  A leader should strive to explain policy options in simple, mundane terms.  The idea is to empower people to choose their lives by making options clear.  This is a large task in our highly bureaucratic and interdependent world.  Technocratic liberalism, I think you would call it.

Identity politics.  Most politics is not driven by common sense, or serious policy discussion.  Instead, in a confusing and humiliating world, most people seek a sense of belonging and vindication.  This is the appeal of nationalism, communism, religious movements, etc.  Us v. Them.  Movement politics, I think you would call it.

Most people habitually see the world through identity politics.  But many people can also be appealed to on the basis of common sense.

As I understand your post, you sense that common sense is never an adequate response to identity politics.  In some sense, that is correct.  However, I suggest that the answer is not to develop an opposing identity politics.  Or, at least, that should not be the principal focus of a progressive agenda.

In my view, no lasting improvement can come from an improved progressive forum.  True reform is only possible with the creation of a common forum - where opposing views are respectfully aired.  Only in that circumstance will identity politics be set aside and common sense be given a chance.  This is a huge challenge.

Probably, the initial site should have two elements: Federal budget, and "Top Ten Lists" of most important party issues.  The general positions should be simply stated, and easy to find.  Links could provide access to details, and opportunities for debate.

Over time, this would create a record of party positions.  Valuable documents.  In addition, hopefully, a certain trust could be built that the site fairly reflects both parties views.  And, maybe, a cultural tradition could be built to look first to the common sense aspects of the problems before us.

Tha alternative is the Right talks and listens only to the Right, and the Left talks and listens only to the Left.  Polarization ultimately gives power to liars who tell people what they want to hear.

by jwp26 2005-08-25 10:18AM | 0 recs
Good Post
One of the smartest things I have read in a while. Nothing to add. Just read it again.
by mysteve 2005-08-25 10:30AM | 0 recs
chris,can u translate that into English?
by safford 2005-08-25 10:34AM | 0 recs
Dems
I'm probably not smart enough to understand all that abstract talk, but to me it just seems like  more blah blah blah. Have any of you folks inside the beltway heard that there's a war going on, and thatBush's approval ratings, BECAUSE OF THE WAR, are going through the floor?
And where are the belway dems, while Cindy Sheehan, and now Gary Hart in yesterday's WaPost, are denouncing this war right left and center, and demanding immediate withdrawal? Is the Democratic party entirely brain dead? Hello? Hello?
by Jolly frog 2005-08-25 10:38AM | 0 recs
Re: Dems
There is no Democratic Party.  Just a loose collection of corporate bagmen and pollsters.  An accident of several decades of drift.

One important challenge is to build a party.  How?  I think the original post was interesting and valuable.

But, of course, on the immediate job in front of us, I agree with you.  We should vigorously oppose the war.  Should have long ago.  And the pussyfooting by elected Dems is deplorable.  Bill Clinton's endorsement of the war is worse. I've said these things to anyone who would listen since the beginning.

Still, it is not wrong to think about other things as wll.

by jwp26 2005-08-25 10:47AM | 0 recs
Sorry - I don't buy it.
"It argues that the main reason we have fallen into minority shadow is not because of our ideas and policies, but instead because of our organizational deficits."

Take Iraq for example. Many prominent Democrats voted for this war and still refuse to admit they made a mistake and offer an alternative to Bush's stay the course approach. We have fallen into the minority because far too often we don't present actual alternatives to real problems of the day.

by Alvord 2005-08-25 10:40AM | 0 recs
Re: Sorry - I don't buy it.
I'm not really sure that what you write conflicts wityh my analysis.
by Chris Bowers 2005-08-25 12:53PM | 0 recs
Organization & Infrastructure
For a while now I've been thinking that the primary reason for our steady loss of power beginning in the  late 70s early 80s was our lack of a liberal infrastructure to compete with the Right's.

In that regard, you hit the nail on the head. Republican politicians need only look to the various conservative think-tanks to find new ideas. They need only turn to FOX News to get those ideas to the public. They need only call upon the evangelical and fundamentalist churches to GOTV. And they need only call on corporate America to get the financing for all of this.

The DLC has been saying that Democrats must move to the center, because our base is smaller than the GOPs. Polling results seem to prove that point.

But the question Democrats shouldn't be asking is "what does the center want?", but rather "why is our base smaller than theirs?"

And the answer to that lies in our lack of a liberal infrastructure. Remedy that, and everything else will take care of itself.

by LiberalFromPA 2005-08-25 10:50AM | 0 recs
Why is our base smaller?
Because the majority of people are selfish, scared morons.  Sad but true.
by Geotpf 2005-08-25 11:27AM | 0 recs
Re: Why is our base smaller?
But:

Why is our base smaller NOW, when it was the CONSENSUS before?  Also, why do Americans seem systematically more selfish or scared or moronic than other nations?  If there are systematic, long-term differences in the selfishness, scaredness or moronic-ness between nations, can we locate how to create or change these differences on a mass scale?

by burritoboy 2005-08-25 11:42AM | 0 recs
Technocratic liberalism is the right thing to do..
until the political consensus holding the nation together breaks down, and it becomes the wrong thing to do.

This is not something new in the politics of democracies - think about the Radicals and SFIO in pre-war France and the SPD in Weimar Germany.  These parties were technocratic liberals - supporting very gradual social reform, government by expert and bureaucracy, non-partisan institutions, moderate policies, consensus building and so on.

In general, technocratically liberal governments are pretty much the best governments one can have.  But they become very bad once the political environment moves from one of liberal (liberal here meaning democratic) consensus to "movement" politics.  This can occur either when the ruling party is center-left and the "movement politics" comes from the right (Weimar Germany, 1930s France, Taisho democracy Japan) or center-right and the "movement politics" comes from the left (immediate beginning of Weimar Republic).

Essentially, this is the central problem of the modern democracy - what to do with extreme political ideologies once they begin to cross the bounds of democratic norms.

by burritoboy 2005-08-25 11:39AM | 0 recs
Chris, I would add
over reliance on judicial rulings to set into law the left's agenda. Democrats did not do enough to build popular support for controversial progressive policies; instead, we relied on judicial rulings to enact policies that were not sold to the voting public.
by coldeye 2005-08-25 12:24PM | 0 recs
Perhaps
Won't say 'progressive alternative media'.

Say 'progressive mainstream media'.

I give my libertarian friends exactly the same advice, with a one-word difference that should be apparent to inspection.

George

by phillies 2005-08-25 05:19PM | 0 recs
in response to the update
Well, there are many, many aspects of how we got where we are, and many problems ahead that pose even more conundrums.

But you can outsmart yourself in politics, as in any other aspect of life.

First, who are you?  Who do you aspire to be?  If you answer that question first, the tactics become easier.

I do not hate conservatives.  Many are good people.  My great grandmother, the sweetest person I have ever known, was vehemently against teaching evolution in school.  Was she the enemy?

I want to work toward a civil society, based upon mutual concern, and common sense.  Tactics based upon anger and blame do not get there.

In the long run, the big strategy, we need a common forum.

In the short term, I am passionately against the war, and passionately against the economic policies of this administration.  I propose tough truth-telling.  And I propose to blame the Republicans for these policies because they are Republican policies (not because Republicans everywhere are evil).

At the level most people pay attention to politics, tone of voice is important -- and Democrats have struck the wrong tone for many years.  Especially progressives (even, maybe especially, when they have been most right about the most important issues).

The tone we need is to sound adult.  Not petty, not personal, not hot-headed.

One problem generally with our politics is that each side spends most of its time talking only to its own side.  The tone becomes intemperate.

Why have Republicans done better?  Because they have been selling a free lunch.  They have been most irresponsible in telling people what they want to hear.  Free money.  Lower taxes, same benefits.  Drop bombs, rid the world of terrorists.  If any of it were true, I would vote for it.

In time, foolishness can be exposed.  But it is not always exposed.  Indeed, sometimes the wise are blamed for past mistakes.

One key to exposing foolishness is to be a credible messenger.  Kerry was not.  Gore was not.  They got a lot of votes anyway based upon policy choices, but the public was not comfortable with them.

Tell the truth plainly, energetically and with humility for what you do not know.  That is adult.  If we do it, and other things, we will win elections.  Because we are right on many issues, and if we communicate the choices, the public will choose its true self-interest:  common fellowship.

by jwp26 2005-08-25 07:53PM | 0 recs
Leadership can't be a dirty word
I too am mostly a hack, making effectual the campaigns of others. But experience tells me that this is much easier to do when acting on behalf of people/groups who put themselves forward out of the courage of their convictions. Technocratic liberalism long ago flunked courage and leadership.

A little of the real thing would at least give us something to counterpose to the phony cowboy. For goodness sake, Cindy Sheehan knew that.

I can only think that our "leaders" really are in some sense limited in their capacity to take leadership by their funding sources. The big corporate donors aren't going to pay them to rock the boat.

Feingold will be interesting to watch in this respect.

by janinsanfran 2005-08-26 03:30PM | 0 recs

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