The Potential of the Great Backlash Narrative
by Chris Bowers, Sun Dec 12, 2004 at 03:07:07 PM EST
But to understand the backlash in this way is to miss its power as an idea and its broad popular vitality. It keeps coming despite everything, a plague of bitterness capable of spreading from the old to the young, from Protestant fundamentalists to Catholics and Jews, and from the angry white man to every demographic shading imaginable.
--Thomas Frank, What's the Matter With Kansas? p.8
Frank's sweeping claim of the wide potential of the Great Backlash narrative is perhaps a little overwrought. However, understanding the potential of the Great Backlash narrative is important, both for its implications as a broad social trend and because of its profound electoral implications. What is its remaining growth potential? How many more people can the narrative ensnare and further push the country to the right? In the extended entry, this post attempts to provide answers to these questions.The Media
Constant assertions and complaints about liberal bias in the media is probably the most visible and familiar of the Great Backlash Narrative attacks against institutions that are supposedly dominated by liberal elites. Perhaps as a result of the familiarity of these attacks, or perhaps because of the rising distrust of the "corporate" media on the left, attacks against the media seem to have gained Republicans as many Great Backlash converts as they ever will. For example, look at the results of the following poll:
Chicago Tribune Poll conducted by Market Shares Corp. June 23-27, 2004. N=1,000 adults nationwide. MoE ± 3 (total sample)."Thinking again about the media and their news stories about politics, elected officials, and election campaigns, do you think their coverage is biased or not biased?
Biased Not Biased Don't Know ALL 76 14 9 Republicans 85 11 4 Democrats 73 17 9 Independents 74 16 9Asked of respondents who answered "Biased": "Generally speaking, do you think the news media are mostly biased in favor of Republicans, mostly biased in favor of Democrats, or does the bias favor each party about the same?"
Pro-DNC Pro-RNC Same / DK ALL 22 13 41 Republicans 53 4 28 Democrats 4 24 44 Independents 14 11 49According to this poll, Independents do not view the media as containing a liberal or pro-Democratic bias, and Democrats clearly do not view the media this way. With only 14% of Independents buying into the "liberal media" Great Backlash myth, and a statistically equal amount of Independents believing that the media actually has a conservative or pro-Republican bias, this aspect of the narrative appears to have reached its peak. Obviously, complaining about the liberal media is still good for throwing red meat to the Republican base, but it does not appear to have the potential to win many new people to the conservative cause.
The Judiciary
Like the Great Backlash complaints about the "liberal media," Great Backlash arguments against the judiciary seem to have reached their peak in terms of making more people conservatives. Unlike conservative complaints about the SCLM, tirades against "liberal judges" seem as though they might in fact be counterproductive, and are not even very popular among Republicans. For example, here are the results from A Qunnipiac poll on the subject:
Quinnipiac University Poll. Feb. 26-March 3, 2003. N=1,448 adults nationwide. MoE ± 2.6 (total sample).Do you think the Supreme Court is too liberal, too conservative, or about right?"
All Reps Dems Indies Too Liberal 19 29 12 17 Too Conservative 26 12 37 27 About Right 46 51 39 48 Don't Know 10 8 12 7According to this poll, Independents, and the nation as a whole, actually view the Supreme Court as too conservative rather than too liberal. While other recent polls from Gallup and Fox showed more people believing the Supreme Court was too liberal than too conservative, neither poll broke the results down by partisan identification, and only showed 31% and 30% buying into the "liberal judges" myth anyway. Clearly, this aspect of the narrative is severely lacking in popular appeal, and seemingly has no chance to create more Backlash dittoheads.
The Entertainment Industry
Unlike attacks against "liberal elites" in the media and the judiciary, there appears to be broad support among Democrats and Independents for the Backlash position on the entertainment industry:
CBS News/New York Times Poll. Nov. 18-21, 2004. N=885 adults nationwide. MoE ± 3 (for all adults). "How worried are you that popular culture -- that is television, movies, and music -- is lowering the moral standards in this country: very worried, somewhat worried, not too worried, or not at all worried?"Very Somewhat Not All 40 30 30 Republicans 43 32 25 Democrats 38 32 30 Independents 39 27 34Worryingly, the Democratic, Republican and Independent positions on these issues are almost identical. This is clearly an avenue of attack where the Great Backlash narrative can have significant success. In the short term, the best counter for Democrats will probably be to engage in some attacks on salacious programming by companies owned by wealthy Republican donors. In the long-term, we are going to need a powerful narrative and noise machine of our own to prevent slippage based on this issue.
Academia
Another area of attack where the Great Backlash narrative seems it could have success is in its anti-intellectual arguments about supposedly pro-liberal academia. According to a recent poll conducted by the Chronicle of Higher Education, even many liberals seem to believe that academia is slanted too far to the left:
The poll, a telephone survey of 1,000 adults ages 25 to 65 from every state except Alaska and Hawaii, was designed by the consultant George Dehne in conjunction with The Chronicle's staff. The interviews were conducted this past winter by TMR Inc., of Broomall, Pa., and the data were collected and synthesized by GDA Integrated Services, a marketing-and-research company run by Mr. Dehne and based in Old Saybrook, Conn. The poll has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.1 percentage points.While most of the questions in the poll were unchanged from last year, a few were added to reflect higher-education subjects that emerged as hot-button issues this year, like the supposed liberal bias of college campuses. David Horowitz, president of the California-based Center for the Study of Popular Culture, is leading a national campaign to urge Congress and state legislatures to adopt an "academic bill of rights" aimed at fostering a variety of political and religious beliefs at colleges.
College leaders have long said that the idea that their campuses are havens for left-leaning activists is more a perception than a reality. Still, that belief seems to be cemented among the public, according to the poll. Half of the respondents said that colleges improperly introduce a liberal bias into what they teach and that professors are liberal in their political views. Even among the respondents who described themselves as liberal, a surprising 30 percent said that colleges were biased toward the left in their teachings. Sixty-eight percent of conservatives agreed with them.
Considering the large shift among youth toward Democratic self-identification, don't be surprised if this typically muted line of attack (the "PC" wars from the early and mid-nineties have died down considerably) in the Great Backlash narrative grows in visibility over the next two years. Young voters go with Democrats because liberal professors are brainwashing them, conservatives will argue. We need to be ready for this and begin preemptively counterattacking, although I am not entirely sure what we should do as part of our counterattack.* * * *
Overall, the Great Backlash narrative appears to still have significant room to grow in this country, as Democratic and Independent concerns over the entertainment industry and academia seem largely in line with the mythology of the narrative. The potential success of attacks on the liberal media appears to be non-existent except as a means to rev up the conservative base, and attacks against the judiciary almost seem counterproductive to the Great Backlash narrative. (I suppose it is hard for conservatives to complain about the judiciary when it installed a conservative who lost the popular vote as President). The two most important things for liberals to do in this situation is both to recognize that even though Republicans control all three branches of government that things can still become even worse, and that we remain in desperate need of a compelling narrative of our own.









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